Anti-Saloon League of Maryland, 1898-1924
Loading...
Links to Files
Permanent Link
Collections
Author/Creator
Author/Creator ORCID
Date
1985
Department
History
Program
Citation of Original Publication
Rights
Abstract
There has been very little study of the role which state
anti-saloon leagues played in the struggle for national constitutional
prohibition. Using Maryland as a case study, the narrative
examines the methods and policies which the state leagues used in
pursuing their agitation, and notes the degree to which these
leagues exercised autonomy from the dictates of the national
organization, the Anti-Saloon League of America. The study also
investigates a basic question of prohibition scholarship as to
whether temperance sentiment developed along rural/urban lines
or, as recent studies suggest, was primarily based on social class. Following a survey of bibliographical materials cited in the
secondary literature, potential primary source records were identified.
Exhaustive review of the joint microfilm edition of the
Temperance and Prohibition Papers, the American Issue and materials
in the Ohio Historical Society collection uncovered much relevant
information. The Baltimore Sun, the Baltimore Methodist, and
the U.S. Census of Population also provided substantial data.
Although most of the Maryland League's official papers remain
undiscovered, sufficient evidence has been gathered to reconstruct
the essential record. The Anti-Saloon League of Maryland developed out of the Maryland
Temperance Alliance in 1898. The Maryland League formally
affiliated with the Anti-Saloon League of America in 1900. With
the exception of the Superintendency of Reverend C. A. Griese
from 1904-1907, the Maryland League enjoyed capable leadership.
Superintendents Nicholson, Anderson, Hare, and Crabbe were all
able to advance the fortunes of the League in securing additional
"dry" territory. The Maryland League also enjoyed financial
stability, not only as a result of its able, aggressive leadership,
but also because of the overwhelming support of the Protestant
evangelical churches, and the continuing interest of well-to-do
benefactors. This combination of financial stability and able, aggressive
leadership allowed the Anti-Saloon League of Maryland to battle
the entrenched Baltimore-based political organizations on an
equal basis. However, the state League was never able to secure
a state-wide temperance or prohibition law. This failure was a
consequence of the Maryland legislative tradition of "state-wide
local self-government" employing the wholesale trading of political
favors. This trading allowed the "wet" political bosses to stalemate
the strong rural temperance contingency in the legislature. The rise to power of urbane Baltimore politicians such as Albert
C. Ritchie following World War I put a further obstacle in the
path of the Maryland League's efforts. Following successive
biennial defeats of state-wide enforcement legislation, the League
abandoned its legislative agitation in 1924, and henceforth concentrated its energies upon less-dramatic "educational" activities.
The study reveals that the state leagues played a vital role
in the Anti-Saloon League of America's campaign for the Eighteenth
Amendment. It also shows that viable state leagues had the power
to operate with virtual impunity from the dictates of national
League authority. In addition, the Maryland experience indicates
that the most consistent indicator of temperance sentiment was
rural/urban residency, contradicting the recent scholarship of
Timberlake and others who suggest instead that social class was
the dominant factor.